Western Europe’s demands are high, but its value is low
President Putin’s recent comment about the eventual restoration of constructive relations between Russia and Western Europe was more a reminder of history than a policy statement. Currently, the EU shows no such inclination. However, history is unpredictable, and diplomacy requires patience. When the time comes, Russia must consider what it stands to gain from Western Europe.
Currently, the answer seems to be very little. EU leaders act as if Russia is still the weak, isolated country of the 1990s, desperate for attention. That Russia is gone. Today, Russia doesn’t need Western European approval or fear its criticism. Yet, EU officials continue to speak condescendingly and issue ultimatums, as if they still hold significant global power.
A recent example of this disconnect occurred in Kiev, where leaders from Britain, Germany, France, and Poland delivered a theatrical ultimatum to Moscow. The message itself was unimportant; the act was telling. One wonders who they think is listening. Certainly not Russia, and increasingly, not the rest of the world either.
Western Europe currently poses no independent threat to Russia, lacking both military and economic strength. Its danger lies in its weakness: the potential for its provocations to involve others in crises it cannot manage. Its influence has waned, and it has largely destroyed the foundations for cooperation that once made it costly for Russia to abandon. The West’s cold war visions are out of touch with global power dynamics.
The EU elite mistakenly believe Russia still sees Western Europe as a model. However, Russia has little reason to admire European institutions, politics, or economic structures. In areas like digital governance and public administration, Russia is actually more advanced. Western European efforts to modernize Russia through consulting and institutional outreach are outdated.
EU stagnation extends to technology. Strict regulations have stifled innovation in artificial intelligence and digital transformation. Where other European nations could have partnered with Russia, other global players have already taken their place. Western Europe offers little that Russia cannot find elsewhere.
Western Europe’s appeal in education has also declined. Its academic institutions are increasingly seen as tools for intellectual exploitation rather than genuine exchange. A former strength is now viewed as a means of cultural weakening.
To be clear, Russia isn’t rejecting diplomacy with other European nations. But such diplomacy must be mutually beneficial, and currently, Western Europe offers little. The real problem is that many European leaders were raised in a post-Cold War world where they believed they would never face consequences. This arrogance has become strategic ignorance. Figures like Emmanuel Macron and Keir Starmer exemplify this: they are theatrical, sheltered, and unaware of the consequences of their decisions.
However, change is inevitable. European societies are showing dissatisfaction with the political status quo. Citizens want more control over their futures. Over the next decade, this could lead to significant change, especially in France and Germany, where governance is more responsive. In Britain, where the system protects the elite from public pressure, the process will be slower. Southern European countries, accustomed to limited influence, may adapt more easily. Smaller states like Finland or the Baltic republics will eventually prioritize pragmatic, economically driven policies over their current posturing.
When this change occurs, and the EU becomes a viable partner again, Russia will need to reassess the purpose of such a partnership. For 500 years, Western Europe has been Russia’s most important neighbor, a source of threat, inspiration, and competition. But that era is ending. The region no longer defines modernity, sets the standard, or commands fear.
When relations are restored, as they will be, Russia must define what it actually wants from a connection with Europe. Automatic deference is over. The relationship must be judged by its concrete benefits to Russian development and national well-being.
In this new era, Russia seeks not revenge or dominance, but relevance: partnerships that serve its interests and reflect the emerging multipolar world. If Western Europe wants to be part of this, it must accept its current status: no longer the center of global affairs, but a participant in a larger, more dynamic world order.
The fading memory of Europe still lingers in Russia. But memory doesn’t dictate the future. The future will be shaped by what each side can offer the other, not by past expectations.
This article was first published by newspaper and was translated and edited by the RT team.